- Hide and Seek.
- News and Views from the Global South.
- Rough Guides Snapshot Central America on a Budget: Nicaragua;
- You may also be interested in....
If not, the instability, conflict, and lack of opportunity that holds back fragile states like the DRC will inevitably bleed across the border, destabilizing entire regions with ripple effects felt from Beijing to Brussels. We know governments around the world are in retreat from global commitments. This retreat means that the private sector and NGOs have to step up.
The private sector can partner with local non-governmental organizations to provide technical expertise and funding to help develop solutions that can achieve lasting impact. Civil society groups and humanitarian organizations can ensure the delivery of better aid to provide people living in conflict-zones the tools and resources they need to rebuild and reclaim their lives. Together, the private sector and civil society can act as a catalyst for progress in tackling three of the most critically under-invested areas in fragile states: education, job-training, and child nutrition.
Second, these partnerships can also support livelihoods and the sort of economic opportunity that transform societies, particularly when we invest in women-owned businesses. These sorts of investments, even in the most difficult environments, help people in crisis regain control over their lives and put them on a path to independence from foreign aid.
Finally, these private sector-civil society partnerships can transform the delivery of basic needs like healthcare and child nutrition even when government-provided services have broken down due to conflict. Nowhere is this more needed than on addressing acute malnutrition among children, which is the largest driver of child mortality in conflict zones. By combining aid delivery with private-sector like market-driving financing approaches, we can drive down the cost of delivering life-saving ready-to-use therapeutic foods. But while the private sector and civil society must and has stepped up in the face of governments around the world retreating from their traditional responsibilities in these sorts of environments, they cannot substitute the scale and legitimacy of robust government action.
Populists on both the left and the right have promoted the false notion that because charity begins at home, it should end at home, too. But an open global economy cannot be maintained while we have such closed politics. Both the head and the heart should recognize that addressing humanitarian crises and supporting fragile states like Yemen, Nigeria, the DRC, and Iraq is both morally right and pragmatically sound.
We can and must do more for these countries. The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and not the World Economic Forum. I accept. This is how The private sector and civil society can drive progress in education in fragile states.
Our global institutions are not fit for purpose. It’s time for reform
How do we build a sustainableworld? Submit a video. Most Popular. Scientists have been investigating the Loch Ness monster. Could a progressive consumption tax reduce wealth inequality? Yet on the other, the technologies associated with globalization have created new political spaces that enable feminist political resistance. Thus, transnational feminists incorporate the critical insights of postcolonial, Third World and ethics of care feminists into a positive vision of transnational feminist solidarity. Transnational feminism is sometimes contrasted with global or international feminism, a second-wave theory that emphasizes solidarity among women across national boundaries based on their common experience of patriarchal oppression.
However, transnational feminism differs from global feminism in at least three significant respects. First, transnational feminism is sensitive to differences among women. Global feminists argue that patriarchy is universal; women across the globe have a common experience of gender oppression. This solidarity is thought to provide a unified front against global patriarchy. Transnational feminists also advocate for solidarity across national boundaries.
- Religion and the Continental Congress, 1774-1789: Contributions to Original Intent (Religion in America);
- Globalization, Violence and World Governance | NewSouth Books.
- Human Rights as Social Construction.
- Economic Liberalization and Integration Policy: Options for Eastern Europe and Russia.
However, their approach emphasizes the methodological commitments discussed above, specifically intersectionality, sensitivity to concrete specificity, and self-reflexivity. Transnational feminists are careful to point out that although globalizing processes affect everyone, they affect different women very differently, based on their geographical and social locations.
They are also quick to acknowledge that many aspects of globalization may benefit some women while unduly burdening many others. Second, transnational feminist solidarity is political in nature. Whereas global feminists advocate a form of social solidarity defined on the basis of characteristics shared by all women, such as a common gender identity or experience of patriarchal oppression, transnational feminist solidarity is grounded in the political commitments of individuals, such as the commitment to challenge injustice or oppression.
Because transnational feminist solidarity is based on shared political commitments rather than a common identity or set of experiences, advantaged individuals, including those who have benefited from injustice, can join in solidarity with those who have experienced injustice or oppression directly Ferguson , Scholz Third, transnational feminists focus on specific globalizing processes, such as the growth of offshore manufacturing, rather than a theorized global patriarchy, and often take existing transnational feminist collectives as a model for their theoretical accounts of solidarity.
For instance, Ann Ferguson argues that anti-globalization networks, such as worker-owned cooperatives, labor unions, fair trade organizations, and land reform movements, are creating the conditions for North-South women's coalition movements based on non-essentialist political commitments to global gender justice Ferguson, ; see also Kang , Mendoza, , Vargas, In addition to analyzing the gendered dimensions of globalization, feminist political philosophers discuss specific issues that have been shaped by it.
Below, we discuss four representative examples. First, we discuss two issues associated with economic globalization—economic justice and migration—and then we turn to two issues connected to political globalization—human rights and global governance. It is widely argued that neoliberal policies have created dramatic economic inequalities, both between the global North and global South and within countries in both hemispheres. One task for feminist political philosophers has been to identify the ways in which these policies reinforce specific inequalities based on gender, class, race, and nationality.
In particular, feminists shed light on the disparate and often disproportionately burdensome consequences of neoliberal policies for specific groups of women. An additional, related task has been to identify the ways in which gendered practices and ideologies shape the processes of globalization.
Free trade policies feature prominently in such feminist critiques. Trade liberalization has led to the wide-scale movement of once well-paying manufacturing jobs in the global North to low wage, export processing or free trade zones in the global South. These jobs have largely been replaced by contingent and part-time service-sector jobs, which tend to be poorly paid and lack health and retirement benefits. The corresponding reduction in real wages has had a disproportionate effect on women, and especially women of color, who hold a higher share of service-sector jobs Jaggar , a.
Gendered and racial stereotypes have played an important role in the establishing this gendered division of labor. Governments have been quick to capitalize on these perceptions in their efforts to recruit foreign investment. Proponents of globalization argue that the expansion of export processing has had positive consequences for women, providing jobs for thousands of otherwise unemployed women and offering new forms of agency. However, feminist political philosophers argue that jobs on the global assembly line tend to be difficult, insecure, and dangerous: working conditions are poor, hours are long, wages are low, and sexual harassment is widespread Young , — Thus, they contend, the results for women are contradictory at best.
Trade liberalization policies have also allowed affluent, northern countries to sell heavily subsidized agricultural products in southern markets, leading to the decline of small-scale and subsistence farming. Many of the female farmers who have been pushed off their land have sought employment in export-processing zones or as seasonal laborers, at lower wages than their male counterparts.
Others have found poorly paid and often dangerous jobs in the informal economy Jaggar , a. Feminist political philosophers are also concerned with the gendered effects of structural adjustment policies SAPs , which many poor countries have been forced to undertake as conditions of borrowing money or rescheduling their existing debts. The resulting reductions in publicly-funded health services, education, and childcare undermine the health and well-being of everyone they affect.
However, the burdens of SAPs are disproportionately borne by women.
Cuts in public health services have contributed to a rise in maternal mortality. The introduction of school fees has made education unavailable to poorer children, especially to girls, leading to higher school dropout rates for girls in many southern countries Kittay Cuts to other publicly funded social services also disproportionately harm women, whose care-giving responsibilities make them more reliant on these programs. More broadly, SAPs have contributed to increases in poverty and unemployment in developing countries, placing additional burdens on women within both the household and the public sphere.
In times of economic difficulty, men tend to maintain their expenditures, while women are expected to make ends meet with fewer resources. Consequently, women have had to develop survival strategies for their families, often picking up the caregiving labor that is no longer provided by the state. Women also face intensified pressure to earn income outside the home.
Some women who have been unable to find adequate employment in their own countries have turned to labor migration, which we discuss below. Sex work, including child prostitution, has also increased under these conditions Schutte Migration has accelerated along with the globalization of the economy and women comprise a higher proportion of migrants, especially labor migrants, than ever before. Feminist philosophical responses to the feminization of migration fall into two general lines of argument.
Early work in this area highlights the ways in which gender, race, class, culture, and immigration status intersect to produce disproportionate burdens for immigrant women.
Globalization, Norms, and Just Governance
Later work discusses the feminization of labor migration, with a focus on domestic workers. Early work by feminist philosophers typically argues that in sexist, racist, and class-divided societies, such as the United States, formally gender-neutral immigration policies often work to the detriment of immigrant women Narayan , Wilcox For instance, Uma Narayan argues that U. Before the IMFA was adopted, when a citizen or legal permanent resident married a foreigner and petitioned for permanent residency status for his spouse, legal residency was granted fairly quickly.
Narayan argues that the IMFA increases the already significant barriers to escaping abusive marriages for immigrant women because it ties immigration status to marriage. Global care chains typically begin when relatively well-off northern or Western women enter the paid labor force and hire other women, usually poorer women from developing countries, to care for their children and other dependents.
Migrant careworkers often must leave their own children behind in their home countries to be cared for by even poorer careworkers or family members who may already have care-giving responsibilities or be engaged with paid labor. Many factors have contributed to the production of global care chains. In wealthy countries, the entry of women into the paid workforce, without corresponding increases in public provisions for childcare or the redistribution of caring responsibilities between genders, has created a high demand for paid domestic labor.
In poor countries, the supply of domestic labor has been stimulated by a scarcity of well-paying jobs and in many cases, a growing reliance on remittances. Cuts in public services in southern countries have also encouraged women to migrate as a means for earning the income they need to pay for private services for their children, such as healthcare and education Kittay, , Global care chains raise difficult issues for feminists, over and above those raised by the background injustices that help to generate them. In particular, some northern women are able to take advantage of increased opportunities in the paid workforce only because southern women take up their socially-assigned domestic work, leaving their own families in the care of others.
Feminist analyses of care chains typically argue that traditional theories of justice have difficulty articulating the precise nature of the harms or injustices involved in these phenomena. Most theories of global justice focus on unjust distributions of benefits and burdens among nations; however, it is not clear that care should be understood as a distributive good.
Other features of care chains also resist traditional ethical evaluation. Careworkers are not overtly coerced to migrate, and each party in the global care chain appears to benefit from her participation: women who employ migrant caregivers are able to pursue opportunities in the public sphere; migrant caregivers are able to send money home; and their children and sending nations benefit economically from these remittances.
Migrant caregivers clearly are vulnerable to exploitation and workplace abuses, and they and their children suffer from their long absences. However, it could be argued that each of these harms is counterbalanced by significant gains Kittay, , Some feminists argue that a feminist ethics of care is better suited to theorizing global care chains.
Globalization - Wikipedia
In particular, care ethics emphasizes several key normative features and practices that traditional theories tend to overlook: concrete specificity; acknowledgement of human dependence and vulnerability; and a relational understanding of the self Kittay, Care ethics focuses on the ethical significance of relationships formed through dependency, such as those between caregivers and their charges.
Kittay argues that intimate relationships between specific individuals, in which caring and affection are the norm, play a vital role in forming and sustaining individuals' self-identities. When these relationships are disrupted, people suffer harm to their sense of self and self-respect.
It follows that the harm involved in global care chains lies in their threat to the core relationships that are constitutive of self-identity. To protect dependents and caregivers from the harms that flow from fractured relationships, Kittay believes the right to give and receive care should be recognized as a basic human right.
However, both also suggest that the recognition of a properly formulated right to care would not eliminate global care chains on its own. Care chains will persist until care, whether provided by professionals or within family networks, is socially recognized and economically supported.
Caregiving responsibilities should also be more fairly distributed between genders and paid work should be organized with the recognition that all workers—male and female, rich and poor—are responsible for providing care. Unlocking care chains will also require mitigating the unjust background conditions that force women to choose between providing financial support for their families and being with and providing face to face care for them. To begin, immigration policies must include specific provisions that make it easier for careworkers to bring their children or return home on a regular basis.
Related Globalization, Violence and World Governance
Copyright 2019 - All Right Reserved